If you do not see the two cables inside the battery compartment, reach up into the Base and gently pull them down until they are hanging inside the Battery Compartment.

Page 15 Connecting The Battery Cont. Diagram 2. Step 3: Place your Connection Port inside the designated angled area located at the back of your Fountain Base. There is a notch in the lower corner of the Battery Compartment Door that allows for the optional Solar Panel wire to extend out from the battery compartment door. Page Inserting Battery Compartment Door At this point, your fountain should look like the image on the left.

Go to the next page for the next STOP! Page Fill Your Fountain The on-board control panel is located towards the top of the base, just below the Large Bowl.

Four hour operation: press the A button four times and your foun- tain will automatically shut-off after four hours of operation. Page 20 Status light will blink for the number hours you have selected Status Light when using the timer functions buttons A and B.

The small hole is where the planter gets water. Step 3: If already installed re- bowl out of the Planter Finial. Your Fountain Bowl will form a natural patina finish which with time may appear lighter or whiter than the original color. This is normal. Page 27 Is your fountain making a loud noise or do you not see water flowing? Try Priming the Water Pump If you find the water pump is running, but water is not flowing from your fountain, or you hear a loud grinding noise coming from your fountain, not to worry, you can try priming the water pump: Begin by turning your fountain off.

With the included leveling shims, you do not need to move your Fountain, just follow the instructions below to get even water flow. Check that battery is fully charged: See charging battery section.

Pump is on but no water flow: Check water level. Water Not Flowing Pump is on but no water flow: Check pump is free of debris, kinks or obstructions. See Troubleshooting section. Page 31 1 year from the date of original purchase.

All rights reserved. Print page 1 Print document 32 pages. Rename the bookmark. These essays have been published together in Italian, Lavin b. Lavin XXII. The process of intellectualization of this fatal aspect of human nature culminated toward the end of the middle ages in a coher- ent and logically conceived system, a veritable theory of dying. In this last respect, especially, the model to be followed for a good death was Christ, whose sacrifice on the cross was the supreme act of charity.

Many such pious medieval traditions were revived in the zealous religious spirit of the Counter Reformation, the Ars moriendi among them.

What emerges from these descriptions is that Bernini not only practiced the art of dying in the technical sense, he actually conceived of his own death as a kind of artwork, which he prepared and calculated to the last detail, with the same kind of care and devotion he lavished on the buildings, sculptures and theatrical productions for which he was famous.

One was the death itself, or rather the procedures he followed in preparing for the end, which were those of the Ars moriendi. To fulfill these injunctions Bernini made two other art works more conventional in kind but no less remarkable in form.

Known previously from a prepara- tory drawing Fig. Chrysler, Jr. We also have a drawing by Bernini for the elaborate pedestal Fig. The bust rested on a base that was held in the draped hands of two angels who knelt on a high platform. It is impor- tant to bear in mind that the bust is heroic in scale, well over three feet high, and on the pedestal it was placed at human-proportional height; the whole image was more than ten feet tall. Held aloft by the angels, the bust was per- ceived as a superhuman vision, a miraculous apparition presented to the viewer by a pair of divine messengers.

It is no accident that the nearest anal- ogy for this mode of presentation is a design by Bernini for the display of the Holy Eucharist Fig. The bust itself is also extraordinary in a number of ways. So far as I can discover, it is the first monumental sculpture of this kind since antiquity in which both hands are included, a milestone in the history of the bust as an independent art form.

The drapery is treated in an unprecedented way, wrinkled and folded so that no cut edges appear at the bottom. Jesus does not act as he normally does in bust-length portraits of the two-handed type, that is, in a rigid pose staring at the spectator with right hand extended in blessing and holding in his left a cross-surmounted orb as the emblem of his universal dominion Fig.

Instead, in a complex, dynamic action he looks up imploringly to his right, indicating his chest wound with his left hand; he reaches across his chest with his right hand, which he turns palm outward to ward off the evil he abhors at his lower left. In the Last Judgment Christ often raises the blessed to heaven at his upper right, the auspicious side, and condemns the sinner to hell at his sinister lower left 4 The example illustrated here follows a famous lost composition by Leonardo, for which see Heydenreich , — The Art of Dying specifically enjoins the moribund to affirm his belief in the just retribution of the Father and his trust in the infinite mercy of the Son.

He kept a painted version before his sickbed, and also had it engraved for wider distribution Fig. This design, too, is deeply indebted to the Ars moriendi, which suggested that moriens from his deathbed contemplate an image of the Crucifixion while imploring Christ and the Virgin to intercede on his behalf.

The subject was illustrated, as in a sixteenth century stained glass window in Switzerland Fig. He eliminated moriens but retained the view at an angle from below. As a result, the image is perceived as a miraculous apparition to the specta- tor, who thus replaces the man on his deathbed. The angle and elevation 5 Ronen ; Marshall , The formula is based on the tradition of the Speculum humanae salvationis, for which see Lavin , The Sangue di Cristo composition is an independent vision, the full meaning of which we shall see presently.

By the time he died in Marchese had published twenty-one books, including a four- volume history of heresies, a treatise on the Peace of the Pyrenees and its political implications, as well as many hagiographies and devotional works. In the preface to this work Father Marchese urges those who seek salvation either to contemplate the image or read the text.

The second point is that both images transform the traditional Ars moriendi in a fundamental way. Almost by definition, the Ars moriendi was a private enterprise, specifically intended for the individual conscience. With Bernini the individual is merged, sublimated might be a better word, into the corporate body of all mankind.

The personal acts of Christian char- ity that were the essence of the Ars moriendi are universalized. The relation- ship involved two of the signal projects of architectural, religious and social reform in the history of the city, with which Bernini was closely associated.

Ceremonial events involving processions and other devotional approaches from Rome might even use the back door, as it were Fig. The problem became acute in the early seventeenth century after the two great modern reliquary and funerary chapels had been built by Sixtus V and Paul V, flanking the medieval apse Fig. In effect, the portico provided a covered, annular platform raised above the city, joining the entrances to the side aisles. Maria Maggiore and its history, see Pietrangeli The vicissitudes of the project have been dealt with by Borsi , —9, ; Anselmi —3; Zollikofer , The medals are discussed in Witman , f.

See also the documents cited by Fraschetti , n. Gianlorenzo Bernini, Study for the Bust of the Savior, drawing. Rome, Gabinetto Nazionale delle Stampe. Gianlorenzo Bernini, Study for the upper part of the pedestal of the Bust of the Savior, drawing. Gianlorenzo Bernini. Bust of the Savior. Norfolk, Va. Gianlorenzo Bernini, Study for a Monstrance, drawing. Attributed to Giampetrino, Salvator Mundi. Detroit Institute of Arts, Detroit. Michelangelo, The Last Judgement, detail of Christ.

Munich, Alte Pinakothek. Gianlorenzo Bemini, Sangue di Cristo, engraving by F. Spierre, x mm, frontispiece of F. Marchese, Unica speranza dell peccatore. Rome, , Vatican Library. Switzerland photo: Die Kunstdenkmaler des Kantons Aargau.

Transport of the body of St. Pius V to S. Maria Maggiore. Medieval apse of S. Maria Maggiore after De Angelis , ill. Workshop of Bemini, project for the apse of S. Maria Page 17 Maggiore, drawing. Maria Maggiore after Brauer and Wittkower , pl. Apse of S. Carlo Rainaldi, apse of S. Maria Maggiore showing obelisk erected by Sixtus V photo: Anderson Salus populi romani, Cappella Paolina. Rome, S. Maria Maggiore photo: Alinari Cappella Paolina, high altar.

Francesco Borromini, nave of S. Giovanni in Laterano photo: postcard. Medieval facade of S. Gianlorenzo Bemini, project for the east facade of the Louvre, drawing. Anonymous, Piazza S. Pietro, Corpus Domini procession of Innocent X. Reconstruction of the tomb of Hadrian after Lauro , pl.

Reconstruction of the temple of , pl. Pietro da Cortona, facade of S. Maria della Pace. Rome photo: Brogi Fresco of Christ and saints with inserted image of the Madonna and Child.

Rome, Temple of Vesta S. Maria Maggiore project in a deeper, thematic way. The concept begins to emerge when one recalls that the great popular- ity of S. Maria Maggiore is due largely to its being the center of what can only be described as the cult of the Assumption of the Virgin, celebrated there each August 15 for at least years.

Throughout the middle ages, the event was celebrated by an immensely popular procession in which a miraculous image of the Savior cf. Maria Maggiore, where it was met by an equally miraculous image of the Madonna whose status as the virtual embodiment of the people of the city came to be denoted by the sobriquet Salus populi romani Fig. However, Alexander VII determined to revive the celebration — a completely overlooked but, as I believe, critically important fact.

The idea to replace the tribune with an annular portico conjoining the side aisles may have been intended to create a counterpart to a comparable project by Borromini for the interior of the Lateran tribune, which was later taken up again in the next century by Piranesi. The plan to trans- fer the remaining columns to Santa Maria Maggiore, strongly opposed by the canons of the Lateran, is reporrted by Fraschetti , f, n.

It might be said in the first instance simply that the colonnaded portico provided a modern equivalent facing the city of the medieval narthex at the front of the church Fig. The design featured a ring of attached columns that supported a balustrade with sculptures suggestive of a regal crown Fig. The colonnade also could not fail to recall, in form as no doubt in function, the other great work Bernini had conceived under Alexander, the colonnaded porticos before St.

Maria Maggiore, one can readily imag- ine the Madonna icon similarly paraded, from the Cappella Paolina to the nearby side aisle portal and through the colonnade to the center of the apse, where it would be met by its counterpart from the Lateran; the images would then proceed together through the other half of the portico into the church for the remainder of the ceremony. The two monumental, curving porticoes at St. Maria Maggiore would thus have comple- mented each other, visually as well as ceremonially, across the papal city.

In a sense, the project at S. He evidently merged two heretofore distinct but complementary classical traditions of architectural signification, with which Alexander VII had also been concerned. Both involved circular or semicircular peripteral colonnades associated with par- ticular ideals of permanence, universality and perfection. Maria Maggiore intended to add the tombs of two more popes to those already commemorated there.

The annular colonnade was also a common formula for ancient temples, doubtless known to Bernini as a type of the Temple of Peace, and of struc- tures sacred to virgin deities.

There was, of course, a long-standing tradition of centrally planned churches dedicated to the Virgin Krautheimer , Wittkower , —40, Sinding-Larsen , —7.

Cecchelli —51, I, — Maria della Pace Figs. Maria Maggiore, with the colonnaded apse between the domed Sistine and Pauline chapels. Two fac- tors in particular made the reference singularly appropriate at Maria Maggiore. Sixtus had trans- ferred the obelisk, rededicated to the victorious Christ, from the other great circular, imperial tomb in Rome, the mausoleum of Augustus, under whose peace, as one of the inscriptions on the pedestal proclaims, the Prince of Peace was born.

Paul had removed the column from another building, thought to have been the ancient Temple of Peace, and dedicated it to the Immaculate Virgin on the feast of the Assumption. It has long been known that, beside the Salus Populi Romani, one par- ticular class of Madonna images was associated with the feast of the Assumption; this is the type of intercessory Virgin who lifts both hands upward in a gesture that suggests both an appeal and an offering to heaven.

The type was familiar from the classic Byzantine Crucifixion type in which the Virgin standing beneath the cross gestures in this way Fig. Maria della Pace has also been noted by Marder , Andrea al Quirinale begun Maria Maggiore Fig. Maria Maggiore itself Fig. Adopting the same gesture for the kneeling, cloud-borne Virgin in his Sangue di Cristo composition, Bernini recalled the imagery of S. Maria Maggiore and the famous procession, and linked it to the Ars moriendi tradition.

Following a sug- gestion of Blunt , Beltramme identifies the kneeling figure in the composition as Maria Maddalena dei Pazzi, rather than the Virgin.

Apart from other considerations, Blunt and Beltramme simply disregard the fact that all contemporary sources, including Bernini himself, his own son, his nephew, and Baldinucci, refer to the figure as Mary see the dis- patch quoting Bernini cited in Lavin , n.

Teresa; both saints were Discalzed Carmelites. The reliefs were recorded in an earlier inventory of the museum as having been removed from the old land customs, as distinct from marine customs, building in Rome. The old Dogana della Terra is a famous struc- ture that today houses the Rome stock exchange. Originally built in the sec- ond century A. The reliefs appear in early depic- tions of the building, and the places where they were attached to the walls flanking the entrance are still visible Figs.

When the customs building was converted into the stock exchange in the s the reliefs were removed, stored in the basement of the Museo di Roma, and forgotten. Two similar reliefs were already known Figs. Some bear the same inscription as the two from the customs house, and all can be identified with the Apostolic Hospice of the Invalid Poor.

Whether there was an actual increase in the destitute popu- lation, or a greater awareness of its existence, or both, the chronicles of the period are filled with laments about the terrible conditions in the cities and bitter complaints about the fact that citizens cannot walk the streets with- out being accosted by poor people begging or trying to steal.

Such conditions were not only annoying and dangerous in the criminal sense, and an impediment to religion, they were also dangerous in the political sense because they fomented civic unrest. Efforts to counter these developments proliferated from the latter part of the sixteenth century and the seventeenth century witnessed a veritable flood of Counter- reformatory charitable enterprises that sought to deal with the poor, along with other kinds of unfortunate or unwelcome social deviants such as crim- inals and the mentally and physically incapacitated, by getting them off the streets and providing for them properly.

In many cities throughout Europe there were created for the first time general hospices, which were often attached to prisons and often included the insane and other undesirables. They might be called hospitals, but not in the modern sense since the treat- ment of illness was only an incidental function, if it existed at all. A crucial element of all these measures was that the beneficiaries were reduced to a state of urban non-existence, as it were. They were required to leave the streets and enter the hospices where they would be provided for with all due charity.

They would be washed, fed, given clothing and decent accommo- dation, and put to work in some gainful employment. But if they refused or evaded the provision, they were condemned. Hence, it became legally forbidden to beg in the streets or public places, on pain of corporal pun- ishment, imprisonment, or even banishment from the city.

In Rome, these developments culminated in when Innocent XII announced a great, new, and imaginative war on poverty. He is remembered mainly for having decreed an end to the millennial papal prerogative of nepotism, but he was responsible for many other improvements as well. In the fall of he issued a dramatic edict requiring that all the poor of Rome, including their families, report to a central place where they would be interviewed and given clothing, and whence they would then proceed to their new home.

There all their needs would be provided for and they would participate in a highly structured regime of daily activities that included training and work in useful trades, and religious instruction and devotions of all sorts. Family members who could not physically transport themselves to the hospice, were allowed to remain in their own homes, if they had them, where they would receive comparable care and give compa- rable service and devotions to the limit of their abilities.

The edict was car- ried out on Sunday, November 30, , with a great procession of the poor to their new quarters. Much of the program enacted in Rome was based on similar programs in other cities, notably Amsterdam, Paris, Lyon, Florence and Genoa. But in some important respects Rome was special and different.

To begin with, the idea of ministering to the poor developed from a quite different context in Rome than elsewhere. The initial driving force in Rome was not the perennial urban social problem presented by the indigent.

Rather, it was related to the spectacular development during the Counterreformatory period of the Holy Year celebrations.

In Rome, the movement was connected in a very specific way with Christian charity. On the poorhouses of Genoa, Palermo and Naples, see Guerra, et al. Marder , 43 f. The hospice was also exclusively for the poor, who were not combined with criminals and the insane. Fourthly, Rome was extraordinary by virtue of the building that was given over to the hospice Fig. It was an enormous palace built by Pope Sixtus V at the end of the sixteenth century adjoining the church of St.

Peter as Bishop of the diocese of Rome. Sixtus had built the Lateran palace as his summer residence, but it remained vacant and abandoned after his successor built another, more convenient retreat. Rome was thus confronted with the wondrous spectacle of the poor- est of the poor occupying one of the greatest, noblest and most luxurious palaces in the world Fig.

In a sense, the measure was a prophetic piece of urban renewal, like the re-use of old railway stations and industrial build- ings for civic purposes in our time.

But there was a deeper significance, as well. It was meant to be permanent, and toward this end it was supposed to be financially self-sustaining. The funding was to come from several kinds of sources, beginning with a major endowment from the papal treasury itself.

In addition, gifts by individuals to other welfare institutions were forbidden; private benefactions were henceforth channeled to the Apostolic Hospice. All Christian charity was thus devoted to this single, new, global enterprise. In addition, the employ- ment of the inmates was conceived in a new way. In other cases the sequestered poor were put to work for the state, or, in effect, leased to pri- vate entrepreneurs, who thus exploited the cheap labor. Here, instead, the goods and labor were sold and the profits were used to support the hospice itself.

And finally, income from taxes and rents was assigned to the hospice — for example, a tax on playing cards; taxes on goods imported into the city, levied at the land and sea customs houses; and rental income on a 32 Contardi in Contardi et al.

The sculptured reliefs were made as signs for one and all to see that the buildings they adorned belonged to the hospice at the Lateran and were dedicated to its mission of charity in imitation of Christ. The differences embody a different expressive emphasis: not judgment and intercession, but charity, pure and simple; and a different function: not the personal appeal of Ars moriendi eschatology, but the social context of public welfare.

I am convinced that the unique character of this institution could only have been defined in Rome under the papacy, with its unique, cosmopoli- tan fusion of church and state, religious and civic consciousness, moral ideals and practical necessities.

It seems to me that the Lateran hos- pice signals the development of a new social as well as political awareness in Europe. It is often said that the modern notion of statehood as a coherent political and, indeed, moral entity developed under the aegis of the absolute 34 Di Gioia in Contardi et al. The buildings related to the hospice are discussed in Contardi et al. Within this context, what we are witnessing here is nothing less than the birth of a modern notion of the poor as a dis- tinct class, and of welfare as an abstract, global concept.

And this new level of consciousness is, in turn, an essential component of the new conception of the social body itself as an organic whole embracing all its members, including even the undesirable. I use the word embrace advisedly because the poor are not only recognized as a group, they are also the sub- ject of universal concern, a challenge not only to the personal conscience of the individual but to the collective conscience of government and the gov- erned.

Sozzini made a more developed proposal for reform soon after Innocent XI became pope in September , and later that same year we hear that Bernini himself had been asked to refur- bish the Lateran palace for a hospice for the poor. Certainly, the Oratorians and particularly Sozzini and Marchese were the prime movers of the whole enterprise, and it has been suggested that Marchese may have proposed his uncle for the restoration of the palace.

A written discussion of the restoration project is preserved: Calcolo e riflessione sopra al palazzo apostolico in S. Giovanni in Laterano per il premeditato hospedale Bibl. Bonadonna Russo , n. The suggestion was made by Contardi in Contardi et al. The two most famous and popular of all bust-length images of Christ were associated with the Lateran, whose original and primary ded- ication is to the Savior.

The second image Fig.

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